The Observer’s deep dive into the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR Debate ) debate exposes something uncomfortable: much of what we’ve been told about human rights law blocking deportations is complete nonsense. Remember the Albanian criminal supposedly kept in Britain because his son didn’t like foreign chicken nuggets? Never happened. The Iranian who couldn’t be deported so he could cut his son’s hair? Fabricated. These myths have poisoned the political debate, yet politicians from Kemi Badenoch to Nigel Farage continue weaponising them.
The Positives:
The article’s fact-checking is thorough and necessary. Oxford University’s Bonavero Institute data reveals that only 0.73% of foreign national offenders successfully appeal deportation on human rights grounds. The Strasbourg court has ruled against the UK just three times in 45 years on immigration cases. These statistics demolish the narrative that the ECHR is some insurmountable barrier to border control.
The piece also provides valuable historical context—reminding us that British lawyers drafted the ECHR after World War II, and it’s helped secure justice for Hillsborough families and protected vulnerable people during the pandemic. The practical complications of withdrawal are clearly laid out: the Good Friday Agreement embeds the ECHR, and leaving it would reduce European cooperation on asylum seekers.
The Negatives:
What’s deeply concerning is the cynicism on display. Politicians across the spectrum are treating human rights as a “useful political scapegoat” (as Liberty’s Akiko Hart notes), offering “disingenuous solutions” they know won’t work. Reform UK’s promise of a “department of believers” staffed by anti-ECHR civil servants sounds dystopian. Even Labour MPs in red wall seats are signalling hostility to human rights to appear tough on immigration.
The article perhaps doesn’t emphasise enough how dangerous this erosion of principle is. As former Lord Chancellor Charlie Falconer warns, abandoning rights for immigrants sets a precedent:
“there is essentially no limitation on what the government may do in other areas where there is political pressure.”
For Keir Starmer—who once called the ECHR his “lodestar”—this represents a pivotal test. Will he defend fundamental rights against populist pressure, or will he join the race to the bottom? The answer matters far beyond immigration policy. When politicians compete to see who can abandon human rights fastest, we all lose.

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